The Zealots were one of the parties
identified by Josephus during the turbulent times of the Jewish-Roman war of
66-70 C.E. Jesus was not strictly a member of this party (most likely, the
party arose after Jesus’ death), but Aslan identifies him as a zealot, in the
original sense of the word, i.e., someone with tremendous religious fervor, and
unwilling to compromise to foreign domination.
Aslan’s biography of Jesus is quite
in accord with conventional scholarship, but of course, his aggregate merit is
his ability to present hard facts and complex reasoning to a lay audience. In
Aslan’s account, Jesus’ life must be understood especially in the context of
Roman domination. At around the time of Jesus’ birth, Judas the Galilean’s
rebellion took off; this incited a Roman response, and Sephoris (a major city
near Nazarteh, Jesus’ hometown) was burned to the ground. Jesus, a Galilean
peasant, must have been extremely aware of this, and this is surely reflected
in his public ministry.
Aslan is quite emphatic in that
Jesus was one among many messianic figures in 1st Century Palestine.
Judas, Theudas, the Egyptian, the Samaritan, among others, each started messianic
and apocalyptic movements, none of which were successful. Even if diverse,
these movements were both politically and religiously motivated: facing brutal Roman
domination, they arose with the expectation that God would intervene to
vindicate Israel and the oppressed, establish his Kingdom and expel, once and
for all the foreign occupants.
Jesus was most likely a disciple of
John the Baptist, but once his movement was dissolved by Herod Antipas (Josephus’
account is much more trustworthy than Mark and Matthew’s), Jesus began his own
new movement. In Aslan’s account, Jesus’ ministry is imbued with zealotry, in
the sense that no compromise is assumed vis-à-vis the Roman occupation.
Whatever passages reflect an intention to compromise with Roman authorities
(with the possible exception of “Render unto Caesar” saying), are most likely
unhistorical, after-the-fact sayings placed by the gospels’ authors who, after
the Jewish defeat, sought to accommodate their religion to the definite reality
of Roman control.
Aslan does not quite say that Jesus
was prepared to call for armed action against the Romans, but he does present
him as a figure of combined revolutionary and apocalyptic zeal. In Aslan’s
account, Jesus is extremely politically conscious. I agree with the apocalyptic
part. Certainly, Jesus thought of himself as the apocalyptic Son of Man, a
figure that would rise on the clouds in the mist of God’s wrathful and glorious
intervention to expel the oppressors and vindicate the oppressed. But, I doubt
Jesus thought he could accelerate such events by taking armed action. His
apocalyptic enthusiasm, on the contrary, makes one suspect that Jesus would
have thought that God would take care of it all, and that human action would be
needless. Jesus’ movement would resemble more passive apocalyptic sects, such
as Jehovah’s Witnesses, than active religious fundamentalists, such as Al
Qaeda. I would take seriously John Dominic Crossan’s argument that, if Jesus
had truly called form armed action, Pilate would have persecuted and executed
his followers. The fact that only Jesus was executed at that time, must be a
sign that his ministry was considered a threat, but not as dangerous as the
previous messianic figures whose followers were all executed.
Be that as it may, Aslan is quite
right when he argues the priestly Jewish aristocracy, aptly accommodated to
Roman domination, was also uncomfortable with Jesus’ denunciation of corrupt
Temple practices. And, most certainly, his feverous cleansing of the Temple in
Jerusalem, called the attention of both Roman and priestly authorities. Aslan
correctly argues that Jesus was executed by the Romans for sedition (the Temple
guards may have collaborated in his apprehension, but the Sanhedrin trial is
surely fiction, and the account of Jewish participation in his condemnation is
probably a literate fabrication in order to gain Roman favor after the
destruction of Jerusalem). Pilate, a brutal administrator, would not have
hesitated to immediately put an end to the slightest sign of social
perturbation, especially during the preparations for Jewish Passover.
Aslan’s account is thoroughly secular,
so he has no patience for miracles and the resurrection. He devotes almost no
time to explore what may have been behind the disciples’ claim to encounter a
resurrected Jesus. But, he does pay close attention to the way the disciples
faced the fact that their master had failed miserably. According to Aslan, the
disciples made a fine adjustment: even if he had been crucified, Jesus was
after all the Messiah. For, the Hebrew scriptures were far from clear about
what the Messiah was supposed to do, and the followers of Jesus soon found
enough passages in the Hebrew Bible that described suffering figures. Even if
these passages were not messianic prophecies in their original context, Jesus’
followers concluded that, indeed, Jesus’ death as a suffering Meesiah had been
predicted all along. Thus, unlike previous messianic movements that were easily
dissolved, this adjustment allowed Jesus’ movement to continue.
The most valuable part of the book,
in my estimation, is the two final chapters. Aslan describes the role played by
Paul and James in the further development of Jesus’ movement. Contrary to the
beliefs of Christian piety (especially expounded in the book of Acts), the
rivalry between Paul and James (and Peter) was quite bitter. Paul, a
Hellenistic intruder who never met Jesus, began to preach an independent message
of openness to the gentiles and disregard for the Mosaic Law. James, Jesus’
brother and leader of the Jerusalem Church, was not strictly opposed to
reaching out to gentiles (he eventually agreed to waive the circumcision
requirement for gentiles at the council of Jerusalem), but he did desire to
keep his brother’s movement within the boundaries of Judaism, as Jesus had
intended all along. James sent missionaries to counter Paul’s preaching. In the
final confrontation in Jerusalem, James required Paul to go through purification
in the Temple, and Paul’s willingness to do so suggests a disposition to recant
his former views.
As the book of Acts narrates, Paul
was apprehended during this incident, and eventually marched off to Rome. Aslan’s
point, however, is that the true leader of early Christianity was James, and
his stand was most likely the original teaching of Jesus. Paul’s theology was a
posterior invention. Nevertheless,
historical contingencies gave Paul’s ideas the upper hand. James was executed by
the High Priest Ananus (in a purely political maneuver, not due to religious
reasons), so Jamesian Christianity suffered a significant blow. More
importantly, after the Jewish-Roman war, it was no longer tenable to keep Jesus’
movement within the boundaries of Judaism. Thus, Paul’s ideas, long after his
death, became mainstream Christianity.
Aslan’s book is not greatly
innovative, and not overly scholarly, either. But, his undisputed prosaic
talent makes it a great contribution to the lay reader who desires to introduce
herself to the historical Jesus’ studies. It would have been desirable that,
given Aslan’s background in writing about Islam and terrorist movements, he
would have explored the connection between Jesus’ zealotry and the contemporary
revival of religious fundamentalism.
I agree with you: not greatly innovative.
ResponderEliminarAs for the "Render unto Caesar" saying, Puente Ojea explains it like this: Jesus was indeed against the payment, but in order to protect himself from Roman authorities, said the following:
"Show me the coin used for paying the tax.” They brought him a denarius, and he asked them, “Whose image is this? And whose inscription?”
“Caesar’s,” they replied.
Then he said to them, “So give back to Caesar what is Caesar’s, and to God what is God’s.”
That is to say: "Pay to the Jews. Give back to the Romans THEIR ROMAN coins... and let them go home".
Yeah, that is a very plausible interpretation...
Eliminar